This can be a pre-print excerpt from Decolonizing Politics and Theories from the Abya Yala. You may obtain the e book freed from cost from E-International Relations.
Together with the historic brutality and devastation catalyzed by the diffusion of the fashionable/colonial, the social actions, nonetheless, consolidate new dimensions of their very own senses reinvented within the circumstances and, as established by Porto-Gonçalves (2006, 25), ‘they resist as a result of they exist; subsequently re-exist’. The Latin America driving forces of social actions for territorial struggles are interconnected alongside collective trajectories within the confrontation of capitalist globalization’s predatory results. Relating to the peasant motion that can be mentioned on this paper, extra particularly the Brazilian Landless Staff Motion (MST), you will need to be aware that MST has been on the forefront of re-existence to the fashionable/colonial ties, capitalism and deterritorialization (Porto-Gonçalves 2006).
Though in Brazil, the event of capitalism was in a position to stimulate the focus of land, in 1984, the agricultural staff converged on the 1st Nationwide Assembly for land democracy, in Cascavel, Paraná. There, they determined to ascertain a nationwide peasant motion, the MST, with three important targets: struggle for land, struggle for agrarian reform and struggle for social change within the nation (MST, 2021). Thus, so as to analyze the articulation of the MST in its internationalization course of, this paper goals to comprise the views that consolidate the transnational actions and dialogues between Latin American peasant actions. The methodology used within the development of this paper pertains to a conceptual and bibliographical assessment, based mostly on a qualitative and decolonial theoretical method. Initially, it examined the notions of Anibal Quijano’s ideas of coloniality of energy and capitalist improvement, reminiscent of Arturo Escobar’s conceptions on territory, land and place, connecting to the rise of the MST.
Thereupon, the internationalist articulations of the MST can be traditionally analyzed, emphasizing the engagements with networks, organizations and epistemologies for the land struggles in Latin America; for example, La Vía Campesina motion and the Liberation Theology, standing out their frequent calls for. On this part, this paper introduces the primary struggles which might be implied within the peasant actions, such because the complaints about neoliberal globalization and the productive techniques of transnational capitalism – that are interconnected and built-in together with calls for for land use and land reform. Comprehending the decolonial concepts, as aforementioned, associated with territorial and land disputes between social actions and enormous landowners as a collective level of departure alongside the area, the MST’s internationalization course of, consolidated since its origins, can be defined as a mechanism of transnational class solidarity and regional resistance technique to structural dilemmas.
Therefore, the MST’s actions are mentioned as a unifying ingredient of struggles to face transnational challenges of extractivism and decomposition of the peasant economies of Latin America. As mentioned by Escobar (2015) over the Zapatista dictum ‘un mundo donde quepan muchos mundos’, the struggles which might be embodied by the MST worldwide engagements in Latin America set up a lightweight on the pluriversal historic narratives of the area which might be encountered and reunited as an act of re-existence within the capitalist system.
Coloniality, territory and the rise of MST
Inside the discussions concerning decolonial considering, the idea of coloniality of energy, initially developed by Quijano, in 1989, is extensively used to seek advice from associations that didn’t finish with the destruction of political-historical colonialism and, subsequently, are understood by the upkeep of colonial types of domination (Ballestrin 2013; Grosfoguel 2008). Based mostly on this side, based on Quijano (2002, 4), coloniality of energy accounts one of many founding parts of the present sample of energy, settling a social classification across the thought of race.
Quijano (2002) states that the notion and social categorization based mostly on race was originated 500 years in the past together with America, Europe and capitalism, in addition to Enrique Dussel (1993) highlights the parable that we’re experiencing the concept of modernity, conception based mostly on the starting of Latin America in 1492. Consequently, modernity, inseparable and intrinsic to coloniality, is predicated on the development, rise and consolidation of the capitalist system of manufacturing. With the institution of its dynamics of relations, the types of labor exploitation and production-appropriation-distribution, consolidated within the historic structure of America, had been supported by the inspiration of this new forgoing type of manufacturing and its new international commonplace management of labor, assets and merchandise (Quijano 2002).
That being mentioned, the expression of colonial domination that was imposed in the midst of the growth of European colonialism remains to be profound and lasting (Quijano 2002; Mignolo 2003; Escobar 2015). The brand new historic identities produced across the thought of race, within the modernity/colonial context, had been associated to the character of roles and territory/place within the new international construction of labor management (Quijano 1997). Nonetheless, Quijano (1997, 118) expresses that ‘each parts, race and division of labor, had been structurally related and mutually reinforcing, though neither was essentially depending on the opposite to exist or to rework itself’.
Because the manifestation of energy characterizes a sort of social relations constituted by the co-presence concerning parts of domination, exploitation and battle, what’s now referred to as globalization is the second positioned within the improvement of such sample of energy. Recognizing this international ordainment and its distribution of assets considering the method of formation of the world energy, the overwhelming majority of the exploited and discriminated, are precisely the members of the ‘races’, ‘ethnic teams’ and ‘nations’ by which the colonized populations had been categorized from the conquest of America onwards (Quijano 1992, 12). On this matter, the enslavement of Black and Indigenous folks consolidated by the concept of race was not solely a central element of colonialism, however of world capitalism as nicely.
Moreover, given this energy construction, additionally it is legitimate to level out that the second of globalization, capital growth and its colonial and dependent hyperlinks, in apply, manifests itself in an inversion of actuality, as emphasised by Florestan Fernandes (1972). Based on the creator,
(…) as if the central financial system had been to breed itself within the peripheral financial system in reverse, to feed not its improvement, however the improvement of the dominant financial system. Because of this, the liberty of the financial agent may be postulated and represented by the identical classes of motion and thought, prevailing within the central financial system – because the ideology of a colonial, neo-colonial or dependent society, sustaining the circumstances of regular heteronomy, involves be the ideology of metropolitan society (Fernandes 1972, 174).
Contemplating this dominant asymmetry of the worldwide ‘frenzy’ panorama and its capability of transformation, Milton Santos (1994, 255–256) states that even in locations the place the vectors of globalization are extra operative and efficient, the territory creates new synergies, leading to an expression of its affective and symbolic worth. As this globalization frenzy takes management, the territory and its significance as a spot has disappeared, creating ‘profound penalties on our understanding of tradition, data, nature, and the financial system’ (Escobar 2000, 68). By place, it’s understood the dedication and expertise of a specific location with some measure of rootedness, limits and connections to on a regular basis life. Even when its identification is constructed, place continues to be essential within the lives of most individuals (Escobar 2010, 30).
Though transnationalized, the struggles regarding the conceptions based mostly on territories reveal a protection of specific constructions of place, together with its reorganizations (Escobar 2010, 78–79). The Latin America territory is often learn in dialogue with social actions, their identities and their use as an instrument of wrestle and social transformation, settling the landless staff expertise on the agenda (Haesbaert 2020, 268). The Latin American accelerated means of agricultural modernization, conceived by the excessive know-how of seeds, chemical inputs and agricultural gear, generally known as the Inexperienced Revolution, gave room for the capitalist accumulation regime to profit massive rural firms.
Thus, the neoliberal circumstances created a very dire context for the agricultural inhabitants. On this state of affairs of agricultural modernization bolstered by nationwide improvement, MST was formally born on the First Nationwide Assembly of Landless Staff, in 1984 (Figueroa 2005; Rubbo 2013). Therefore, the ties to territory and tradition permits social actions, reminiscent of MST, the right setting to develop place-based methods. This plan of motion makes use of the ties aforementioned to enact a politic desde abajo, that enables to interconnect the expertise of the International South as a result of typology of insurance policies to which it belongs (Escobar 2010, 32).
On this define, the domination of area, capital and modernity, that are central to the discourse of globalization, created grounds for actions such MST to re-conceive, re-construct and re-affirm views of non-capitalism, tradition and territory/place (Escobar 2000, 69). Escobar (2016, 24) exposes that territorial struggles are producing new sorts and/or rescuing data for cultural and ecological transition to face this modernity state of affairs. Expressly, right here, the necessity to spotlight that a number of forces influenced the formation of MST, furthermore, Liberation Theology (TdL) performed a central position in its type of group, unconditional assist for land occupations and, primarily, within the impact of stimulating an internationalist perspective of the motion by worldwide solidarity.
Additionally, some broader views, actions and cosmovisions that encounter robust adherence in Latin America and the International South has its stage of significance in shaping the MST, such because the Altermondialist Motion, Fórum Social Mundial networks which have raised, in a heterogeneous and unified method, the agendas of environmental safety and in-depth reform of the financial system; and La Vía Campesina, one of many important peasant actions of contemporaneity that has been standing out on the worldwide conjuncture confronting the political decision-making associated to agriculture (Milani 2008, 290; Silva and Alves, 2021). Subsequently, the Landless Staff Motion progressively constructed a number of relations with fashionable actions in Latin America (Rubbo 2013).
Bearing this in thoughts, the wrestle for territory and the politics of place, an expression talked about by Escobar (2010, 67), are ensuing within the emergence of a brand new type of politics. Thereby, it’s essential to create a brand new political imaginary based mostly on the potential of establishing a multiplicity of actions within the airplane of every day life, whereas the experiences of subalternized individuals are crucial to know struggles and decolonise political constructions of territory/place. Additionally, territorial strives are, nonetheless, pronounced by a cultural wrestle for autonomy and self-determination inside a capitalist system and its ties to the context of modernity/coloniality (Quijano 1992; Escobar 2010, 79).
Transnationalization, Social Struggles and the Landless Staff Motion in a Globalized World
The driving forces of neoliberal globalization, in consonance with centuries of colonial land expropriation over Latin American territories, indicate a number of challenges for the confrontation of systematic oppressions and dominations alongside the predatory capitalist mechanisms. In addition to years of historic suppression of the colonial financial regimes, from far-right political leaders to probably the most progressives, the neo-extractivist paradigms of intense land focus within the energy of the agribusiness sectors nonetheless determines obstacles for democratic entry to the technique of manufacturing and dwelling for the peasant and conventional communities of the area (Acosta and Model 2018, 31–54).
This case-scenario suggests the evaluation, which is the central level of this paper, that the issues confronted and confronted by native social actions encounter comparable bases on frequent struggles and experiences in Latin American. In the identical means that the categorization of world peripheries represents a direct reflection of dynamics of the transnationalized capital accumulation system over a collectivity of territories, its resistance must also represent an area of organized transnational confrontation (Milani 2008, 291–294). Moreover, as it’s identified by Escobar (2005, 80), the cooperation amongst social actions generally is a producer of revolutionary identities by the glocalization of frequent struggles, each standing for the native dilemmas and articulating international spheres of motion.
That being acknowledged, since its origins, the MST had constituted important transnational coalitions with different actions in Latin America, most significantly, assuming the premise that structural issues bolstered by worldwide scales of accumulation entails worldwide responses. The sense of transnationality comprehends the contents and extension of the land conflicts, as a part of methods of manufacturing that goes past nationwide borders, alongside issues that aren’t restricted to the native scale, which straight implies the need of multilateral preparations between totally different governments and social actors (Sachs 1998 apud Milani 2008, 299).
The transnational motion of the MST, regardless of their native variations of their types of motion and claims with different social actions, turns into a attainable area to assemble cohesive collective identities with networks of motion, rising the bargaining energy of its targets within the worldwide area (Bezerra 2004, 121). Furthermore, these form of processes may be described, as is highlighted by Escobar (2015, 22), by the concept of the development of territorial identities based mostly on the pluriversal existence and resistance of social struggles, converging actions to the protection of an ontological perspective of the world in different to the capitalist globalization patterns. The frequent factors of departure concerning the resistance to the predatory results of transnational neoliberalism, the decolonial method to the globalization course of, and the spiritual points over the entry of lands for the poor communities turn out to be parts of affect to the worldwide solidarity of sophistication (Rubbo 2013, 75).
The Liberation Theology, as talked about earlier than, claims by the Universalist views of solidarity with the poor and of humanity in its wholeness, which is bolstered with Christian actions aligned with land struggles and robust critics towards the dependency relations of peripheral capitalism materialistic pursuits that suppress the spirits of communitarianism (Rubbo 2013, 75–82). Afterall, as it’s identified by Enrique Dussel (1973, 49) the praxis of liberation originated with service to the Others which might be suppressed by the system and, in that case, the historic position of the church in Latin America must be committing to the liberation of the peripheral world. Principally disseminated in Brazil within the 70s by the Christian social motion Comissão Pastoral da Terra (CPT), based in the course of the repressive equipment of navy dictatorship within the nation, these internationalist points of solidarity and the worldwide south refuse to dependency had been basic to the foundational scope of the Landless Staff Motion within the subsequent decade.
The primary internationalist makes an attempt within the MST the place extremely conceived by articulations with La Vía Campesina, an autonomous transnational social motion that integrates plural teams that wrestle with the entry to productive land, principally from Latin America, into the presence within the worldwide arenas of debate, coalitions and protests (Milani 2008, 298). Thereupon, the participation of the Landless Staff Motion in these spheres was initially perceived on the ‘Continental Marketing campaign: 500 Years of Indigenous, Black and Widespread Resistance’ (1989–1992), worldwide occasion convened by peasant organizations that alongside with La Vía Campesina establishes the creation of the Coordinadora Latinoamericana de Organizaciones del Campo (CLOC-VC).
The CLOC-VC articulations aligned with La Vía Campesina worldwide sector proposes views for the collective anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist coalition within the Americas. Above all, the worldwide coordinator brings to gentle areas of fashionable lots mobilization in solidarity with Cuba’s revolutionary regime, socialist actions and for the protection of peasant and sustainable agricultural techniques affected by neoliberal insurance policies (Batista 2019, 137).
The Continental Marketing campaign represents some extent of inflexion within the internationalist trajectory of the MST, regardless of some earlier years of punctual overseas solidarity with social actions and transnational peasant causes, the Brazilian landless motion begins to institutionalize a global relations sector in its construction from the start of the ‘90s onwards (Rubbo 2013). Moreover, Batista (2019, 154) emphasizes that the Landless Staff Motion additionally will get to work as a global advocate, gathered with CLOC-VC, for the political themes of integral and fashionable agrarian reform and peasant rights over transnational frameworks of determination such because the Meals and Agriculture Group, the World Financial institution, the Worldwide Financial Fund and the World Commerce Group.
This historic course of highlights robust proof that despite the fact that Latin America precedes a pluriversal world of social struggles within the native territories, the articulation in scales the place MST begins to be composed represents the redefinition of transnational identities, reunited within the protection of the subalternized world (Milani 2008, 298–299). From the top of the ‘90s to the primary years of the twenty first century, this transnational scope of collective territorial identities is nicely translated within the so-called Altermondialist Motion, represented with the creation of the Fórum Social Mundial, celebrated for the primary time in 2001. On this context, the Landless Staff Motion and La Vía Campesina began to considerably contribute with the talk of social and political issues, integrating related arenas of coalition amongst anti-neoliberal organizations, events and actions and reuniting native issues with international revolutionary options (Rubbo 2010, 6–7). In regards to the participation of social actions within the talked about occasion within the years of 2001, 2003 and 2008, Milani (2008) highlights:
(…) environmental networks and actions in Latin America signify greater than 55% of the entire of organizations taking part within the processes of the Fórum Social Mundial, which claims to combine the banner of sustainable improvement and environmental protection of their struggles. On the entire of 102 organizations and actions from Latin America and the Caribbean, 80 are from Brazil, 4 from Uruguay, 3 from Ecuador, 2 from. Argentina, Chile, Panama, Peru, and Paraguay (Milani 2008, 294).
It’s clear that the primary precept that instigates the transnational motion of those social actions in Latin America is to combine a number of voices and struggles that encounter calls for over the impacts of neoliberal politics within the area and its repercussions on the territorial occupation. Nonetheless, how is it attainable to unify such totally different nationalities and specificities of political claims into one larger function? Based on Bezerra (2004, 126), the transnational convergence that composes the Altermondialist Motion is inbuilt a means of steady interactions over time, by which the frequent identities are bolstered not in a means of equalization of the actions’ struggles and requests, however based mostly as a substitute on the perceptions of the same impediment to be defeated, on this case, the worldwide neoliberal apparatuses of land expropriation.
Political Methods for the MST’s Worldwide Actions
From its preliminary articulations within the ‘80s to the current second, the Landless Staff Motion has constructed capacities and interactions to take care of robust transnational relations and to be a sphere of dialogue with the peasant and socialist actions of the subalternized world. The transnational motion is usually inspired by the values of ‘solidarity, humanism and internationalism’ for the historic legacy of the working class and the concept there are not any borders for the political resistance to human exploitation (MST 2021). In addition to, the MST’s nationwide chief Gilmar Mauro factors out, in an interview for Rubbo (2012, 26), that the motion traditionally made efforts for the alternate of political methods with transnational activists, actions of worldwide political-ideological coaching workshops and the participation of solidarity actions in nations going by revolutionary moments.
Past the participation in wide-ranged organizations like La Vía Campesina, the internationalization of the MST is operationalized in a number of types of motion, embracing alternatives for transnational solidarity in its personal nationwide territory, but in addition scattered all through different nations as nicely. Aside from self-organized actions noticed within the worldwide expertise of the motion, the Collective for Worldwide Relations (CRI) of the MST has been working to embrace the resistance, development, enchancment and awakening of the peasant and socialist social bases and values amongst transnational companions (MST, 2021). These values are nicely represented additionally within the testimony of the MST’s nationwide chief and liable for the CRI, Cassia Bechara, within the 2020’s Nationwide Encounter of Landless Girls:
The MST has internationalism in its basic rules. We’re clear that the development of socialism can solely occur from a global development of forces (…) This strengthens each our motion and these sister organizations. It strengthens the internationalist feeling of unity of the working class (Poznanski 2020).
Moreover, the transnational precept represented within the MST’s struggles for the land is a significant factor to know why the solidarity of sophistication among the many Latin America actions just isn’t solely a actuality, however an autonomous course of for the suppression of the colonial previous that also maintains its results in motion over the area. In that sense, the articulations and calls for that permeate the motion actions, from a nationwide to a global scale, in seek for land sovereignty additionally felt as international calls for for peasant revolutionary acts within the International South. Moreover, the historic recognition of the MST’s political impression had managed to overcome worldwide sympathy for the agrarian trigger in Brazil, mobilizing the transnationalization of debate and galvanizing the fixed multiplication of assist and solidarity committees and worldwide brigades for the motion in a number of overseas nations (Rubbo 2013, 147).
At the least, till 2015, the Landless Staff Motion had brigades in ‘Venezuela, Haiti, Cuba, El Salvador, Paraguay, Mozambique, Peru and Bolivia’, moreover a lot of them being articulated with assist of La Vía Campesina, which additionally collaborated with MST for the development of the Instituto Agroecológico Latinoamericano in Venezuela (Tygel 2015). It’s additionally legitimate to punctuate the existence of the Worldwide Brigade Apolônio de Carvalho that operates within the Venezuelan territory since 2006, engaged on initiatives of ‘agro-ecological manufacturing, meals sovereignty, seed manufacturing, cooperative work, political schooling and scholar exchanges’ (MST 2021). Subsequently, the MST had appreciable worldwide expertise through the years and consolidated essential networks of actions that additionally labored as inspiration, cooperation and resistance within the globalized world.
The ascendancy of capitalism has introduced challenges to fashionable actions in Latin America. Based mostly on the size of what has been mentioned to date, it’s noticed that the MST seeks to disintegrate with the types of colonial domination and, thus, to interrupt the attitude of identities based mostly on the concept of race and established with the coloniality of energy and its context of modernity. Moreover, the globalized world guided by this state of affairs includes a brand new international type of division of labor, whereas misrepresenting the which means of territory/place and creating profound penalties within the understanding of the elements that guides it.
The reflections developed with the current evaluation spotlight the concept regardless of being created on a foundation of native points and the particularities for the land entry in Brazil, the MST seeks to collaborate with worldwide actions that wrestle with frequent structural issues. Subsequently, you will need to level out that the internationalist pursuits articulated over the MST unveil the agricultural and land dilemmas that take a part of the Latin American context as a peripheral area affected by agricultural-centered and dependent economies, continuously reaffirmed with the capitalist neoliberal globalization types of manufacturing. On this means, participation by worldwide coalitions, actions and networks, past the institution of relations with the International South, is an act of resistance by elevating voices and occupying spheres of determination and advocacy towards the predatory results of transnational capitalism.
Therefore, by decolonial lenses, it’s clear that the MST re-allocates and re-affirms itself as producers of information and practices, removed from the Eurocentric narratives, within the context of territorial struggles. However, recognizing that this complete dispute crosses borders within the capitalist/fashionable/colonial world, in addition to different agrarian actions concerned within the wrestle for land – the MST expands and solidifies itself internationally by solidarity.
Summarizing the primary efforts and methodologies of motion executed alongside the MST internationalist trajectory, it’s acknowledged that the methods articulated in partnership and cooperation with La Vía Campesina and the CLOC-VC actions had been basic to develop prospects of transnational presence. The very excessive presence of Latin America actions in Altermondialist occasions, such because the Fórum Social Mundial, is a direct results of the identical course of by which MST is inserted. Subsequently, it represents an essential piece of a much bigger course of on which the actions articulate the protection of a pluriversal territorial identification as a radical counterbalance for the deterritorialization of colonial modernity. These parts of collective demand, regardless of the variations among the many social actions of Latin America built-in within the MST agenda are encountered in the concept a revolutionary course of towards the neoliberal globalization should assemble its bases on an internationalist perspective, in any other case, it received’t have the power to confront a system so transnationalized like capitalism itself.
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