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New Zealand’s Nuclear Stance Through the Chilly Struggle

New Zealand’s prime minister, Jacinda Ardern, not too long ago asserted that New Zealand has “an unbiased overseas coverage and all the time will” (Small, 2018). The roots of this unbiased overseas coverage are historic however firmly established after the election of the Fourth Labour Authorities in 1984. From 1984, New Zealand’s strategy on overseas coverage points modified, particularly regarding its place on nuclear weapons, to the displeasure of its closest companions. Underpinning this unbiased overseas coverage has been the longstanding debate in worldwide relations principle (IR) accounting for a small nation’s overseas coverage. This essay contributes to this debate by contemplating whether or not neorealism or constructivism higher explains New Zealand’s unbiased overseas coverage between 1984-1987 relating to a particular case research — the French Authorities’s bombing of the Rainbow Warrior in 1985.

This essay begins with an outline of the related literature on small states’ overseas coverage, notably New Zealand. It then considers neorealism and constructivism, noting their relevance for assessing New Zealand’s unbiased overseas coverage. On this context, a case research of a big second in New Zealand’s overseas coverage is analysed relating to each theories. It’s concluded that neorealism provides some insights, however on steadiness, it’s much less in a position to persuasively clarify New Zealand’s unbiased overseas coverage due to its materialistic and structuralist perspective. Conversely, a constructivist evaluation, which contains ideational, historic and home political components, supplies extra vital insights into New Zealand’s actions and, on this approach, has better explanatory energy than the neorealists.

Literature Overview and Case Examine Choice

IR principle traditionally focuses on the interaction between main powers, with much less consideration paid to the function and performance of small states. Small state evaluation is argued to don’t have any “sensible” or “theoretical utility”. In any case, small states are seen as restricted in influencing worldwide politics, typically submitting “to the dictates of bigger” (Buchannan, 2010, p. 256; Baehr, 1975, pp. 456-457; Patman, 2006, pp 86-87; Thorhallsson, 2019, pp.379-380). Certainly, the notion of small states as minor gamers “who are suffering what they need to” has an extended historical past (Thucydides, 1972, p. 402). 

The Melian Dialogue in Thucydides’ Historical past of the Peloponnesian Struggle underlines this level, reflecting “the powerlessness of small states when confronting bigger states” (Thucydides, 1972, pp. 401-402; Buchannan, 2010, p. 256). As well as, the notion that small states have a restricted and constrained capability to function due to giant state affect and energy additional explains the restricted tutorial literature targeted on small states, not to mention small, developed economies like New Zealand (Buchannan, 2010, pp. 255-257; Brady, 2019 p. 8). Whereas the Melian Dialogue can characterize the height ‘realist’ perspective on small states in IR, small states have discovered methods to outlive and even thrive. 

New Zealand’s overseas coverage reveals the capability of small states to function comparatively independently and with some room for manoeuvre (Buchannan, 2010, pp. 255, 278; Patman, 2006, pp 87, 91; Brady, 2019, p. 3-6). Moreover, Buchannan suggests the interval 1984-1987 as pivotal in establishing New Zealand’s unbiased overseas coverage in diplomatically balancing “worldwide institutional help” and “punch[ed] above its weight” (Ibid., pp. 262, 277-279). Equally, McKinnon additionally emphasises this era inside New Zealand historical past as transformative for its unbiased overseas coverage.

Independence is outlined in McKinnon’s evaluation in two components: as dissent or as defence of curiosity (McKinnon, 1992, pp. 3-4). Dissent refers back to the “progressive critique of an present sample” not as a problem to an “underlying construction” (Ibid., p. 3). ‘Defence of curiosity,’ nonetheless, refers back to the upkeep of imperial ties with the British Empire. It didn’t “essentially entail ‘independence’” as a substitute of as a brand new kind “of ‘dependence’” (Ibid., pp. 4-5). McKinnon traces the advanced journey New Zealand travelled in securing sovereignty, the authorized proper of “unique authority [in a state’s] borders … and … the rights of membership throughout the worldwide group” (Haynes et al., 2013, p. 714). On this approach, New Zealand independence, notably in overseas coverage, was an evolving course of quite than a singular historic ‘tipping level’. It was, nonetheless, galvanised periodically by particular occasions, just like the bombing of the Greenpeace Rainbow Warrior vessel in 1985. (Brady, 2019 pp. 3-8; McKinnon 1993, p. 281). 

Like Buchannan, McKinnon describes 1984-1987 as vital for New Zealand in reaching its present unbiased overseas coverage however warns in opposition to overstating its significance (McKinnon, 1993, p. 278). This era ought to be analysed not as a “sharp transition” from a subjugated nation to an unbiased one. As a substitute, it ought to be seen as a progressive evolution (Ibid., p. 12). The consideration of case research, just like the Rainbow Warrior Incident, is crucial in “testing theoretical propositions within the social sciences”, notably regarding which principle greatest accounts for New Zealand’s unbiased overseas coverage (Buchannan, 2010, p. 256; Eckstein, 1975, pp. 75-77).  

What McKinnon and Buchannan share with their work on New Zealand is an emphasis on realism, not constructivism (McKinnon, 1993, pp. 295-298; Buchannan, 2010, pp. 258-259). That is hanging since realism as a principle would presume a restricted capacity for small states to bask in an ‘unbiased overseas coverage’. Subsequently, it’s vital to differentiate between neorealism and classical realism principle, the latter of which claims state behaviour outcomes from human feelings/wishes. Neorealism extends this scope to inter-state relations and battle, suggesting these are accounted by and end result from structural components (Morgenthau, 1978, pp. 4-15; Haynes, et al., 2013, pp. 125-126). These structural components embody the absence of a supranational authority regulating worldwide politics. Thus, reflecting an anarchic IR world. In these circumstances states are actors working in keeping with self-interest in search of safety by pursuing and attaining relative beneficial properties/energy on the expense of neighbours (Goodin, 2010, p. 133; Mearsheimer, 2014, p. 3; Waltz 1979 p. 119). 

Two subsets of neorealism – defensive and offensive realism – are worthwhile reference factors. Defensive realism argues that states inherently don’t search battle or energy; as a substitute, their concern is sustaining “their place within the system” (Waltz, 1979, p. 94). Conversely, offensive realists argue that states guarantee safety by being “extra highly effective … relative to their rivals” (Mearsheimer, 2014, p. 3; Mearsheimer, 1994-1995, pp. 11-12). Nevertheless, each strands agree {that a} bipolar system ensures the worldwide system’s stability. It is because it depends on inner balancing, which improves the capability to keep away from errors that exist in a multipolar system (Waltz, 1979, pp. 132-134). Given the Rainbow Warrior Incident case research throughout the bipolar Chilly Struggle, a neorealist evaluation might be justified. 

The place neorealists emphasise the importance of systemic evaluation in IR, constructivism emphasises the interactions between construction and company (Worth & Reus-Smit, 1998, pp. 268; Flockhart, 2010, pp. 79-82). In essence, constructivism views states as “particular person human beings” the place ideational components, quite than materialistic explanations proposed by neorealism in buying territory, assets and navy power, clarify state behaviour (Haynes et al., 2013, p. 230; Wendt, 1999, p. 1). The connection between “pursuits, norms and establishments” is a vital focus for constructivist evaluation, notably in formulating a overseas coverage of a given state (Haynes et al., 2013, pp. 229-230). The character of energy, notably the steadiness of energy that produces a bipolar or multipolar world accounted for by neorealism empirically, is just not persuasive to constructivists. As a substitute, the definition of and responses to energy are debated between states producing inter-state relations (Flockhart, 2010, pp. 81-82).

Moreover, constructivism rejects the argument that the anarchic and structural nature of the worldwide system causes inter-state battle. Such an evaluation, of their view, is restricted in understanding world politics past the unit or state stage as a result of it assumes battle is inevitable (Wendt, 1992, p. 265). Systemic constructivists like Wendt acknowledge the existence of a construction in worldwide relations as considerably informing and shaping overseas coverage however incorporate components resembling historical past, id, concepts and tradition (Wendt, 1992, p. 392; Wendt, 1999). Therefore, constructivist methodology “stresses” historic occasions and evaluation of a given space or case research to “show” the interchange between construction and company with excessive proficiency (Haynes et al., 2013, p. 230). Concerning New Zealand’s unbiased overseas coverage, constructivism would deal with particular incidents in New Zealand’s historical past to higher account for its unbiased overseas coverage (Wendt, 1992; McKinnon, 1993, pp. 11-13). 

Whereas constructivism does lengthen past the rationalist foundations of neorealism, it has been “criticised by each rationalist and reflections” theories as missing consistency or not being “radical” sufficient to problem the character of inter-state battle espoused by neorealism in IR (Haynes et al., 2013, p. 230). However, regardless of having ontologically contrasted positions, each neorealism and constructivism as mechanisms of study “to theorise” IR can concurrently be utilized to account for areas of analyses the place one could fall quick (Fearon & Wendt, 2002, p. 57). Subsequently, constructivism and neorealism can shed extra mild on a historic occasion in New Zealand historical past and supply insights into New Zealand’s unbiased overseas coverage between 1984-1987.

In contemplating which IR strategy greatest explains New Zealand’s unbiased overseas coverage, this essay considers France’s 1985 state-sponsored bombing of the Greenpeace vessel, the Rainbow Warrior, in Auckland harbour. On condition that an unbiased New Zealand overseas coverage is commonly symbolised by its anti-nuclear stance – embodied by the passing of the Nuclear Free New Zealand Act (NFNZA) in 1987 – this case research represents an accelerated progress in direction of a NFNZA as a big turning level in New Zealand’s overseas coverage (McKinnon, 1993, pp. 279-281; Brady, 2019, pp.1-2; Patman, 2006, pp. 85). By assessing each theories outlined earlier, we are able to assess which of those higher accounts for Zealand’s unbiased overseas coverage 

Dialogue and Evaluation

New Zealand opposition to nuclear weapons had existed earlier than the 1984-1987 interval. Opposition to nuclear weapons, each in use and transport, dates again to the 1966 graduation of French nuclear testing within the South Pacific at Mururoa Atoll (Lange, 1985, p. 28). The Third Labour Authorities, for example, despatched a naval frigate to “observe” the testing within the early Nineteen Seventies, alongside a civilian flotilla protesting France’s actions (Patman, 2006, pp. 85-87). The election of the Fourth Labour Authorities in 1984 noticed opposition to nuclear testing and the usage of nuclear weapons as a salient mainstream political concern (Clements, 1988, pp. 397-398; Gustafson, 2000, p. 375). Dangers to well being, environmental security, and normal scepticism in regards to the reliability and performance, not to mention stability, of the bipolar Chilly Struggle period, mobilised a collective New Zealand response in opposition to nuclear weapons (McKinnon, 1993, p. 279).

This took protest motion at Mururoa Atoll to construct a coalition in opposition to nuclear testing all through the Nineteen Seventies and early Nineteen Eighties. The Rainbow Warrior – thought-about on the time as a flagship of the environmental group Greenpeace – was extremely profitable in organising and main these protests, although the testing didn’t cease (Ibid., p. 281). On the tenth of July 1985, the Rainbow Warrior’s actions in opposition to French nuclear testing had been ended when, whereas moored within the harbour of New Zealand’s largest metropolis, Auckland, it was blown up by an explosive system connected to its hull by two French intelligence brokers, killing one Dutch nationwide on the ship (Ibid.). 

The New Zealand Authorities, to this present day, considers this act as an act of state-sponsored terrorism (McKinnon, 1993, p. 286). To France’s consternation, New Zealand police swiftly recognized after which arrested and placed on trial the French secret service brokers accountable for the assault. Each had been sentenced to 10 years in jail for terrorism, regardless of the protests of France and extra muted opposition to the arrests from a number of different international locations (together with the UK, the US, Australia and Canada; all shut companions of New Zealand) (McKinnon, 1993, pp. 281-282; Clements, 1988, pp. 395). Throughout this time, the New Zealand Authorities made in depth representations on the United Nations arguing the assault breached New Zealand sovereignty and violated worldwide regulation. Thus, France ought to be held accountable (Shabecoff, 1987). 

France flatly rejected these representations, which proceeded to punish New Zealand by stalling the bi-annual negotiations for sheep meat and dairy quotas value greater than $600 million to New Zealand – essential to the home sheep meat sector of which 92% of annual manufacturing went to the European Union. France additionally threatened to increase its stalling tactic to the vary of dairy (butter and cheese) quotas New Zealand had, offering it with preferential entry to the Frequent Market (McKinnon, 1993, p.283; Patman, 2006, p. 88). On the similar time, and in a way compounding the New Zealand Authorities’s problem, its response to the assault in Auckland harbour was extensively seen domestically as a sensible manifestation of the nation’s unbiased overseas coverage (McKinnon, 1993, p. 282). 

In the end, as a consequence of its financial dependence on the EU, New Zealand was compelled to compromise. Negotiations between Paris and Wellington resulted within the switch of the 2 French brokers to serve the rest of their jail phrases outdoors of New Zealand (McKinnon, 1993, p. 285). In return, the negotiations for quota rights in commodity merchandise had been resumed (Ibid.). Additionally it is value noting that shortly after arriving in French Polynesia, each brokers developed mysterious diseases and had been evacuated for “medical causes” to France, the place they had been embellished for his or her service (Ibid.). New Zealand protests in opposition to the switch to France had been made on the UN and in Paris however had been ignored (Patman, 2006). The choice by France to switch and beautify the brokers – in violation of the understandings reached with New Zealand did have a important home corollary. These actions served to solidify home political opinion firmly in favour of a extra complete anti-nuclear coverage and accelerated progress on the eventual legislative adjustments that led to the passing of the NFNZA.

Neorealists would depict the Rainbow Warrior Incident as an illustrative instance of a small state being compelled to succumb to the better energy of a bigger state. France was certainly in a position to exert its energy and affect in financial and industrial areas (e.g., stall EU negotiations on quota allocation for New Zealand sheep meat). Neorealists would additionally spotlight the restricted scope New Zealand needed to change its operational settings to counter French energy – a scenario strengthened by France’s capacity to safe its aims, the discharge of its brokers, and the continuation of its nuclear testing. For France, these aims had been justified within the title of state safety – a classical neorealist perspective – as a result of nuclear testing displays each a state’s capability for conflict and preparation for it (Mearsheimer, 2014, p. 63 Huth, 1999, p. 25). This additional confirms with neorealist principle because the bi-polar nature of world politics throughout the Chilly Struggle noticed each hegemons, the US and USSR, with immense nuclear energy and thus an ‘efficient’ deterrent in opposition to one another, thereby offering order from the potential chaos the worldwide system (Waltz, 1979, pp. 132-134). France’s capacity to maintain its nuclear testing programme within the face of small state protests might be seen as Paris securing its nationwide safety imperatives; the necessity to enhance, and enhance its nuclear deterrence in opposition to the USSR, therefore its dedication to reject the anti-nuclear protests led by the Rainbow Warrior (Patman, 2006, p. 94). Moreover, Mearsheimer would argue that France was pursuing maximisation of relative beneficial properties within the South Pacific on the expense of the smaller state, which is actually helpless to counter the bigger energy (Mearsheimer, 2014, p. 3). Bombing the Rainbow Warrior in 1985 whereas within the harbour of New Zealand is undoubtedly reflective of offensive realism. 

Offensive realism additional means that safety for states is simply ensured by reflecting one’s navy energy “relative to their rivals”. One might even see France’s act of bombing the Rainbow Warrior in New Zealand as demonstrating its authority within the South Pacific as a regional hegemon and a method to silence criticism of its nuclear testing programme. Via this prism, the anti-nuclear protests might have been perceived by France as threatening an upending of the worldwide political construction, posing a threat to France in sustaining its navy power, standing and skill to guard its pursuits (Mearsheimer, 2014, p. 6). Subsequently, the bombing could also be seen as a warning designed to discourage others with the commerce and financial sanctions utilized as additional illustrations of Nice Energy will (Mearsheimer, 2014, pp. 3, 29). 

Neorealism additionally helps us perceive the place of New Zealand throughout this bipolar interval of world politics. New Zealand needed to settle for that France might safe its aims due to New Zealand’s financial dependency on the European market. According to neorealist views, the small state, on this case, was unable to deploy its restricted navy or diplomatic belongings within the face of France’s superiority on this space and was ultimately compelled to succumb to France’s most well-liked final result. What the neorealists fail to account for, nonetheless, is that whereas within the quick time period, France could have ‘received’ the preliminary section of the Rainbow Warrior Incident, its place was severely affected by the passing of the NFNZA. The latter legislatively ensured that future New Zealand Governments could be legally obliged to take all measures vital, wanting power, to forestall nuclear weapons and nuclear testing from occurring within the area. The NFNZA made France’s long-term place within the area rather more susceptible over time, together with its testing programme.  

It’s fascinating to contemplate whether or not the Rainbow Warrior would have been safer had it been harboured in New Zealand’s close by neighbour Australia. The latter is far bigger economically, geographically and militarily. Although Australia had made clear, it was not supportive of Greenpeace’s protest actions and wouldn’t have deployed its navy as New Zealand had finished within the Mururoa Atoll (Brady, 2019, p. 3). Once more, this reinforces neorealist views because it confirmed how even a medium-sized state like Australia recognises its limits inside worldwide relations when set in opposition to a big energy like France (Mearsheimer, 1994-1995, pp. 10-12). 

On the similar time, neorealism has sure limitations in serving to us perceive the function and nature of small states throughout the worldwide system. Whereas it might make clear structuralist views, neorealism supplies little perception into the significance of home components – and these are notably vital on this case research (Elman, 1995, p. 173). Since neorealism doesn’t take account of the character of New Zealand home politics on the time of the bombing, focusing as a substitute on exterior structural components resembling French navy power and its dedication to proceed nuclear testing, neorealism fails to clarify how the Rainbow Warrior incident accelerated the introduction of NFNZA within the New Zealand Parliament. 

Conversely, constructivism provides us richer insights and might clarify how the Rainbow Warrior Incident symbolised an unbiased New Zealand overseas coverage. The evaluation above of this case research demonstrated the structural inevitability of an influence battle imbalance between France and New Zealand, however it failed in two overlapping areas. First, it fails to account for New Zealand’s unbiased overseas coverage persuasively as a result of it can’t inform us how home politics intersected with the worldwide challenges New Zealand confronted. Second, it can’t clarify how the Rainbow Warrior incident facilitates and accelerates the eventual passing of the Nuclear Free New Zealand Act of 1987 (McKinnon, 1993, p. 278). 

Earlier than the French assault on the Rainbow Warrior, there was a normal sense in New Zealand that passing the anti-nuclear laws could be near unimaginable. Parliamentary help was missing (Ibid.). That every one modified – not essentially due to the assault itself – due to French behaviour, extensively seen as boastful and contemptuous revelling in its middle-to-large energy standing over a smaller state. Constructivism accounts for the acceleration of the anti-nuclear laws as a result of it considers the historic evolution of home components in influencing the laws’s help after the French assault in Auckland (Ibid., p. 285). 

Inside constructivism, the ‘Wendtian’ perspective displays how historic processes shifted the social norms, producing a brand new type of social id. In New Zealand, this was the institution and facilitation of a stronger and emboldened anti-nuclear motion following the bombing of the Rainbow Warrior (Wendt, 1992, p. 402). As Worth and Reus-Smit spotlight, this doesn’t solely “clarify elementary adjustments in state id” (Worth & Reus-Smit, 1998, p. 268), however it’s constructed on the prevailing foundations of notion of New Zealand independence and the worth that New Zealanders positioned on this. Whereas Wendt does contest the inevitable nature of the construction that neorealism holds to clarify the battle between France and New Zealand in 1985, neorealism can solely go to this point in accounting for the home processes occurring in New Zealand. Non-systemic constructivists Kratochwil and Ruggie can fill this analytical hole.

The rising dissent, one part of McKinnon’s definition of independence, in opposition to nuclear weapons in New Zealand falls beneath the scope of non-systemic constructivism. Each Ruggie and Kratochwil spotlight the significance of recognising how related home processes intersect with worldwide buildings in revealing info on a “world social order” and that this will drive the evolution of overseas and home insurance policies (Kratochwil, 1993; p. 67; Ruggie, 1986 p. 141-146; Worth & Reus-Smit, 1998 p. 269). That is undoubtedly the case for New Zealand because it underwent a number of attitudinal adjustments in tradition and id in opposition to the incumbent conservative Nationwide Authorities earlier than the election of the Labour Authorities in 1984 (McKinnon, 1992, pp. 7-9). 

The extra “liberalised” youth counterculture symbolised by the nuclear protests that had emerged within the Nineteen Seventies mixed with the Rainbow Warrior incident and French behaviour shook the muse of New Zealand society. Earlier than this, the anti-nuclear motion had been primarily the protect of the Labour Celebration. The Nationwide Celebration averted the difficulty (Gustafson, 2000, p. 137). Following the Rainbow Warrior assault, nonetheless, home politics in New Zealand grew to become extra bipartisan, together with when Nationwide Celebration constituents (e.g. sheep farmers) had been affected by French reprisals (McKinnon, 1992, pp. 286, 289-293). Ruggie and Kratochwil would argue this shifted ideational priorities in New Zealand from what McKinnon describes as a loyalty to the Empire and conventional allies such because the UK and the US – which themselves supported France, to one in all nationwide curiosity – finishing McKinnon’s definition of independence in overseas coverage (McKinnon, 1992, pp. 10; Ruggie, 1986 p. 148; Kratochwil, 1993; p. 69). 

Not like neorealism, constructivism rejects the inevitability of the French-New Zealand incident following the bombing of the Rainbow Warrior. It demonstrates how this battle resulted from historic processes, together with ideational shifts inside New Zealand tradition resulting in anti-nuclear laws in 1987. Whereas it doesn’t essentially disagree with the facility imbalance between France and New Zealand, it could assert energy for constructivists: right here was French financial affect exerted by the existence of the EU Frequent Market quite than overt navy stress.

The place constructivism outperforms neorealist evaluation is its capacity to higher account for the way in 1987, two years after the Rainbow Warrior bombing, New Zealand handed NFNZA. This laws mirrored and characterised New Zealand overseas coverage (Buchannan, 2010, pp. 264-268). The contents of the laws established a Nuclear Free Zone in New Zealand and “promote[d] … the … means of disarmament” (Laws, 1987). Neorealism can’t account for this sharp transition and passing of landmark laws that might problem the nuclear-armed worldwide system. The neorealists would have posited that New Zealand as a small state wouldn’t cross such laws within the face of the bigger state objections, together with France and the US, the UK and Australia, amongst others. Massive states just like the US sanctioned New Zealand diplomatically and militarily (refusing to share intelligence) and downgraded New Zealand’s buying and selling relationship with the US (McKinnon, 1992, p. 289). Regardless of this stress, or due to it, the laws held agency (Buchannan, 2010, pp. 275-279).

Constructivism reveals how the gradual historic evolution of concepts, tradition and id delivered the New Zealand response to the Rainbow Warrior bombing. It could possibly additionally clarify how, after the bombing, a now galvanised home minority motion was in a position to safe majority help within the New Zealand legislature in favour of passing the laws that symbolises an unbiased New Zealand overseas coverage. On this approach, constructivism explains this overseas coverage as unbiased in that it opposed and rejected nice energy politics (dissent) in favour of nationwide curiosity, as soon as extra reasserting McKinnon’s definition of independence.  

The neorealist perspective illuminated New Zealand’s challenges in in search of an unbiased overseas coverage by a sole emphasis on the occasions within the case research. The absence of help from New Zealand’s conventional overseas coverage companions like Australia, the UK and the US and the approaching French financial sanctions made it clear New Zealand couldn’t reject French affect/energy. These occasions verify the neorealist view of worldwide relations. Nevertheless, neorealism can’t adequately clarify how the influence of French behaviour emboldened and solidified New Zealand’s dedication to cross the NFNZA. Conversely, constructivism accounts for the occasions that transpired on the tenth of July 1985 and supply a method to perceive the function of historic processes in driving id adjustments. This in the end higher accounts for why New Zealand handed NFNZA two years later, establishing its unbiased overseas coverage platform. 

Conclusion

This essay has thought-about whether or not neorealism or constructivism higher accounts for New Zealand’s unbiased overseas coverage relating to the Rainbow Struggle incident. Each theories supply important insights into the overseas coverage of small state New Zealand and the affect and energy of France. The asymmetry between the 2 international locations and the consequential influence on the overseas coverage of New Zealand is engaged by neorealism, however the deeper evaluation is offered by constructivism. The declare “realism and constructivism want each other to appropriate” one another seems to be thereby strengthened, because the evaluation each theories present on the Rainbow Warrior incident, to clarify New Zealand’s unbiased overseas coverage ensures an entire image and perception might be established (Sterling-Folker, 2002, p. 73).

Neorealism can actually element the structural inevitability, and behavioural nature of the ‘battle’ between France and New Zealand that occurred throughout the Rainbow Warrior bombing as New Zealand couldn’t efficiently resist the affect and energy of France, particularly relating to French threats of financial sanctions, reinforcing the neorealist perspective. Nevertheless, neorealism doesn’t adequately account for the way such actions by France strengthened New Zealand’s decided utility of its unbiased overseas coverage, culminating within the NFNZA. Constructivism could not elaborate or clarify the causality of the rainbow warrior incident in producing battle between France and New Zealand. Nevertheless, by contemplating home political and historic components that reworked the nation’s social id in establishing its unbiased overseas coverage through the Rainbow Warrior Incident to the eventual passing of NFNZA in 1987 by the New Zealand Parliament, constructivism supplies extra vital insights into the evolution and utility of an unbiased New Zealand overseas coverage. 

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