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Deconstructing Narco-Terrorism in Failed States: Afghanistan and Colombia

The idea of hazard has been vital to establishing the nation-state and its sovereignty (Dillion, 1996). The mainstream safety scholarship believes that hazard might be overcome via rational selection (Keohane, 1989). This dissertation investigates how states can each overcome and assemble hazard logically and purposefully. The practices of hazard aren’t solely related to this dissertation but additionally to worldwide safety politics. Certainly, the discourse of hazard has turn into the inspiration of political authority and order to the purpose the place the discursive building of the state originates from the discursive building of hazard (Dillon, 1996). Though the latter just isn’t a hard and fast, goal situation (Campbell, 1998: 2), states extensively use it to reconfigure their identification (Doty, 1996).

This dissertation is got down to reply the query “Do the failed states breed narco-terrorism?”. By answering the analysis query, this examine will meet three goals. It’s going to set up the causational relation, or the shortage thereof, between failed states and narco-terrorism; it can re-frame narco-terrorism’s ontology, and it’ll re-frame narco-terrorism’s epistemology.

The Relevance of the Examine: Analysis Query and Goals

The broader consensus amongst students presents narco-terrorism as a phenomenon facilitated by failed states. Makarenko (2004a) launched “black holes” because the epitome of the hazard posed by hybrid teams. Lamb (2008) extensively evaluated how failed states turn into secure havens for illicit actors, and Rotberg (2002a) emphasised the importance of secure havens’ repercussions on the worldwide system, highlighting how they’ll turn into a supply of great instability and a hazard to “functioning states”. It follows that the existent tutorial literature hyperlinks the 2 phenomena via a causational relation. Nonetheless, the literature fails to discover what led to the conclusion that failed states breed narco-terrorism and fails to clarify how the latter phenomenon has made its method on the worldwide safety agenda.

This dissertation contributes to the existent literature as a result of it provides a degree of study that had not been thought of earlier than by answering the analysis query. The present examine has gathered the basic theories and arguments round narco-terrorism and failed states. It has in contrast them with the empirical proof drawn from Afghanistan and Colombia to display that narco-terrorism is a fabrication and claiming that “failed states” breed the latter is ontologically inaccurate.


The primary chapter of this dissertation is the methodology, which is able to take a look at the ontological and epistemological positions which have knowledgeable this examine, the motivations for conducting a qualitative secondary information evaluation, and the selection of case research as a technique of study. The next chapter is a literature evaluation, highlighting the main tutorial positions and theoretical frameworks on the ideas of narco-terrorism and failed states. The following part, “Case Research”, options an in-depth evaluation of The Battle on Terror (Afghanistan) and Plan Colombia (Colombia). This chapter is vital to contextualise the notions introduced within the literature evaluation and consider their relevance. In conclusion, the dialogue will draw upon the literature evaluation and the case research to reply the analysis query and re-define narco-terrorism’s ontology and epistemology by making use of Constructivism and OST in Worldwide Safety Research.


It is a qualitative examine that engages secondary information (predominantly written supplies). Qualitative analysis focuses on understanding the meanings and dimensions of people’ lives and social worlds (Fossey et al., 2002: 717). Secondary information evaluation refers to the usage of information produced by different research (Hammond and Wellington, 2020: 166). Secondary analysis is usually criticised for giving researchers an excessive amount of room to interpret and use another person’s findings (Heaton, 2008: 40) which may not even match the aim of the present analysis (Walliman, 2017: 86). Nonetheless, in keeping with the Important Analysis paradigm, which suggests a Constructivist worldview that assumes that actuality is socially constructed via historic and cultural norms (Cresswell, 2007: 20-21), this analysis seeks to problem the ability constructions as society is aware of them. Thus, the problem of interpretation just isn’t legitimate as a result of the present dissertation is constructed upon the notion that the world is formed by totally different understandings of the identical constructions and phenomena. Extra particularly, this dissertation required secondary evaluation as a result of it allowed the re-interpretation and new questioning of the info, which warranted the emergence of latest themes and views (Corti et al., 2006: 7). Certainly, this dissertation begins by narco-terrorism within the context of failed states and ends by re-shaping narco-terrorism ontology and epistemology.

In keeping with Hox and Boeije (2005), secondary researchers face three key challenges: finding useful information sources, retrieving related information, and evaluating whether or not the info meets the aim of this analysis. The information for this dissertation has been collected from the Web. The online search engine Google Scholar and the BCU on-line library service have been the 2 main sources to find tutorial materials. The key phrases used for the literature evaluation are: narco-terrorism, failed states, black holes, worldwide relations, narco-terrorism black holes, and crime-terror nexus. The key phrases used for the case research are conflict on terror, US intervention Afghanistan, Plan Colombia, and Colombia narco-terrorism. Retrieving the info was not a problem, as all materials used was simply accessed via the researcher’s tutorial account. The duty of figuring out how related a possible supply might be was achieved in another way in accordance with the dissertation part. Such a course of proved to be simpler for the literature evaluation, as nearly each tutorial supply obtainable on the Web contained related data on each narco-terrorism and failed states. Nonetheless, sources that supplied an general tackle the 2 phenomena have been most well-liked over sources that centered on a selected occasion of narco-terrorism or a failed state. For the case research, the bibliographies throughout the tutorial sources have been essential in navigating the literature and understanding which writer would have been extra useful in investigating a specific side of the case examine.

Why Case Research?

Provided that Safety is a speech act (Austin, 1962: 6), this examine may have used a Important Discourse Evaluation (CDA), the aim of which is to analyse “opaque in addition to clear structural relationships of dominance, discrimination, energy and management as manifested in language” (Wodak, 1995: 204). Though CDA focuses on relations of energy and dominance within the social and political context, to satisfy this dissertation’s goals, the evaluation needed to take into account varied ranges past the discursive one. CDA would have restricted the evaluation to the discursive realm, and thus ignored what was achieved due to what had been stated. Through the use of case research, this limitation was overcome.

A case examine is an empirical enquiry that investigates a up to date phenomenon in context when the boundaries between the phenomenon and the context aren’t evident (Yin, 1994). The case examine strategy is the most effective strategy for this analysis as a result of it permits for the investigation of narco-terrorism within the context of failed states, ranging from the notion that failed states breed narco-terrorism. Case research are versatile choices for small-scale analysis (Rowley, 2002) that search to make clear how relationships and processes are interconnected (Denscombe, 2014: 53) and to know how one thing “bought the best way it’s” (Van Wynsberghe and Khan, 2007: 90). Thus, utilizing case research has allowed this dissertation to unpack the narco-terrorist phenomenon in a “pure setting” (failed states) and generate theories that take a look at the actual to clarify the overall. This dissertation has picked Afghanistan and Colombia as case research as a result of they fulfil Denscombe’s typical occasion criterion (2014: 56), which means that narco-terrorism is current in each states, that are both failed or failing.

The scathing criticism towards case research targets their extent of generalisability and the general validity of the findings (Denscombe, 2014; Burton, 2000). The generalisation course of is analytical for what considerations the present examine (Rowley, 2002: 20). Subsequently, the literature evaluation serves as a theoretical template to check the empirical outcomes drawn from Afghanistan and Colombia. How generalisable is what shall be learn within the findings is an unclear query. If the expectation is to attain a quantitative-like generalisability, then the present findings aren’t generalisable as a result of this can be a qualitative examine underpinned by constructivism. Nonetheless, this dissertation goals to not generate a idea that’s all the time relevant or to provide outcomes which are all the time consultant. This dissertation has produced findings that can hopefully assist unpack how energy dynamics work below a selected set of circumstances and circumstances. These mechanisms are generalisable as a result of they is perhaps utilized to totally different contexts that observe comparable guidelines, taking into account that actuality is constructed, interpreted, and multifaceted. Certainly, it might be argued that had this dissertation used Somalia and France versus Afghanistan/Colombia and the US, the outcomes would have been totally different. Undoubtedly. Somalia doesn’t have the identical worth to France as Afghanistan/Colombia to the US, and France just isn’t the US. Consequently, the teachings learnt from The Battle on Terror and Plan Colombia have restricted generalisability within the larger image. Nonetheless, the ontology and epistemology of how these navy interventions happened have definitely produced related insights into understanding the general dynamics at play within the worldwide system.

Moral Points

When it comes to moral implications, in terms of secondary information evaluation, vital considerations emerge round potential hurt to particular person topics and the problem of return for consent (Tripathy, 2013: 1478). Nonetheless, this dissertation makes use of information that doesn’t comprise quantitative outcomes or private or delicate data. Furthermore, the info used is freely obtainable on the Web; therefore, permission for additional use is implied (Tripathy, 2013) As a result of the usage of secondary is an intrinsically moral apply, and, as such, it’s only legitimate when its advantages outweigh the dangers (Tubaro, 2015), the present analysis meets the basic moral situation (Tubaro, 2015) of not inflicting any injury or misery with its outcomes.

Literature Assessment

This chapter will discover the ideas of narco-terrorism and failed states. In doing so, will probably be divided into two sections. The primary one will take a look at definitional points and official definitions of narco-terrorism. Subsequently, it can discover students’ theories relating to purposeful interactions between criminals and terrorists and their meanings to the worldwide neighborhood. Conclusively, the final half will take a look at how coverage has been re-shaped round narco-terrorism and its implications.

The second part of this literature evaluation will outline failed states and clarify why they’re thought of a safety menace. Afterward, it can take a look at criticism and options to this idea. Lastly, it can discover the perfect coverage approaches to failed states.


Definitional Points

Though narco-terrorism initially referred to the best way Latin American drug lords and felony organisations influenced native governments (CSIS, 1991: 1), it quickly turned a phenomenon of worldwide scope and attain (Wardlaw, 1988: 6). The Australian criminologist Grant Wardlaw was the primary to focus on the potential shortcomings of this quickly spreading idea. He instructed that narco-terrorism is usually misconstrued to indicate a conspiracy that merges felony and political objectives into a brand new sort of menace, which warrants unrealistic expectations and responses (Wardlaw, 1988). Roughly three a long time later, Pellerin (2014) proposed an analogous interpretation of narco-terrorism as a harmful umbrella time period that would hinder understanding of how criminals and terrorists virtually work together.

Though students have already questioned the legitimacy of narco-terrorism, the related literature has but to unpack the ontology of narco-terrorism, particularly the way it has come into existence. Wardlaw defines it as “a potent weapon within the propaganda” and a “catchword” (Wardlaw, 1988: 5-6); Pellerin calls it an “umbrella time period” (2014: 25). Nonetheless, neither explores how such a harmful idea has been launched into mainstream safety discourse.

Official Definitions

The Drug Enforcement Company (DEA) defines narco-terrorism as a “subset of terrorism, wherein terrorist teams, or related people, take part immediately or not directly within the cultivation, manufacture, transportation, or distribution of managed substances and the monies derived from these actions. Additional, narco-terrorism could also be characterised by the participation of teams or related people in taxing, offering safety for, or in any other case aiding or abetting drug trafficking endeavours to additional, or fund, terrorist actions” (Hutchinson, 2002: 13). Conversely, the Division of Defence (DOD) understands the identical phenomenon as “[t]errorism performed to additional the goals of drug traffickers. It could embody assassinations, extortion, hijackings, bombings and kidnappings directed towards judges, prosecutors, elected officers, or legislation enforcement brokers, and normal disruption of a reliable authorities to divert consideration from drug operations” (Thachuk, 2007: 24).

These definitions display two totally different understandings of the identical idea. The DEA explains narco-terrorism as a method for terrorists to achieve income; whereas, the DOD understands the latter as a diversion utilized by criminals to maintain legislation enforcement businesses busy.

Narco-terrorism combines organised crime and terrorism. Organised crime is “the illicit motion of prohibited medicine throughout worldwide borders by people, teams or states for monetary achieve and/or political objective” (Warner, 1984: 44). Conversely, terrorism has no universally recognised definition (Wardlaw, 1982) and suffers from definitional stretching (Weinberg et al., 2004: 779; Bjornehed, 2004: 307).

As its identify suggests, narco-terrorism is a ramification of terrorism. How can narco-terrorism be outlined if terrorism nonetheless lacks a common definition? Furthermore, as a result of narco-terrorism is a world phenomenon (Wardlaw, 1988: 6), the truth that the DEA and the DOD have such competing takes on the identical phenomenon is contentious as a result of it implies that the 2 businesses may have utterly totally different approaches to countering the identical menace. The coverage part will elaborate on how this is perhaps detrimental.

The Crime-Terror Nexus

General, students agree that there’s inadequate proof to completely perceive the connection between terrorists and criminals (Makarenko, 2004a; Bjornehed, 2004: 308; Schmid, 2005; Wardlaw, 1998: 11; Mullins and Wither, 2016: 65; Reitano et al., 2017). Subsequently, Reitano and colleagues (2017) advise towards utilizing the phrase “nexus”, as it will erroneously indicate a world pattern, generalisable and relevant in every single place. But relationships between criminals and terrorists aren’t easy and never the identical in every single place (Reitano et al., 2017); therefore, each “hyperlink” needs to be thought of independently. However Reitano and colleagues’ place, the expressions “crime-terror nexus” and “narco-terrorism” are used interchangeably within the literature, although there isn’t any agreed-upon definition for both of the 2. This dissertation will conclude that these two expressions shouldn’t be classed as synonyms.

Ehrenfeld and Kahan (1986) used the Guillot-Lara episode to clarify the hyperlink between terrorists and narco-traffickers as an try and undermine the West by the Soviet Union and its allies. Though the instance lends itself fairly nicely to supporting Ehrenfeld and Kahan’s thesis, Miller and Damask (1996: 115) argued that it reworked an ephemeral affiliation of comfort into an ideological relationship that doesn’t exist. Though the “Communist” thesis was flawed, it reveals what Wardlaw meant by narco-terrorism as a “propaganda instrument” (1988: 6). Certainly, Ehrenfeld and Kahan’s idea exemplifies the US’s readiness to fall again into Chilly Battle-like narratives. This dissertation will determine an analogous sample that led the US to conceive narco-terrorism. 

In keeping with the dominant tutorial place, criminals and terrorists develop short-lived, instrumental relations that final solely so far as each teams profit from them, or till one of many events develops in-house capabilities (Schmid, 2005; Dishman, 2001; Bjornehed, 2004; Mullins and Wither, 2016; Reitano et al., 2017). Fleeting associations are because of considerably totally different motivations. Particularly, terrorists are likely to have political or ideological motivations that inevitably problem the established order, whereas criminals search revenue and materials positive aspects (Bjornehed, 2004: 312; Makarenko, 2004b: 7; Schmid, 2005: 6; Reitano et al., 2017). It follows that with such inherently totally different targets, no cooperation throughout the crime-terror nexus harbours the potential to grow to be a world conspiracy. Nonetheless, it was seen that terrorists and felony teams are likely to look more and more alike as a result of they be taught and borrow techniques from one another. Certainly, Bjornehed (2004: 304-309), Schmid (2005), and Anderson (2004) all defined that each teams share an analogous inside hierarchy, function from the identical murky elements of society via kidnappings, killings, intimidation and extortion, and faucet into the identical assets (pretend passports, weapons, cash laundering).

Conversely, different students describe an actual communion of intent between the teams. Makarenko (2004a) argues that some relationships might give beginning to hybrid teams whose targets can not be outlined as purely political or profit-oriented. Such a convergence of motives is problematic when a hybrid group efficiently takes over a state that lacks the political construction to outlive, turning it right into a black gap (Makarenko, 2004a). Comparably, Curtis and Karacan (2002), Williams (2014), and Mullins and Wither (2016) point out the opportunity of totally different ranges of interactions between the teams.

Once more, it’s taken with no consideration that, in some circumstances, illicit actors would possibly cooperate in a roundabout way. Nonetheless, there may be nonetheless no analysis on particular examples of a nexus and thorough investigations of the circumstances that led to the formation of stated nexus and the way it was handled. This dissertation will bridge this hole by particular cases of narco-terrorism in Afghanistan and Colombia.


Within the aftermath of 9/11, the coverage division between terrorism and organised crime started to fade (Bjornehed, 2004: 141). Because the two phenomena turned interlinked in apply, their insurance policies may not be separate (OSCE, 2002). Nonetheless, no justification is supplied as to why 9/11 has led to such penalties. This dissertation will study the position of 9/11 in influencing insurance policies and agendas.

The thought of merging insurance policies attracts upon the notion that terrorists and criminals use comparable techniques (Bjornehed, 2004), therefore what works towards one group should work towards the opposite, and the notion that the felony underworld generates terrorists’ revenue (UNSC, 2001). Nonetheless, students posit that merging insurance policies towards terrorists and criminals is detrimental and inefficient (Bjornehed, 2004; Miller and Damask, 1998; Pellerin, 2014; Shaw and Mahadevan, 2018). This notion alone is sufficient to query the existence of narco-terrorism.

Pellerin advises towards militarised responses as they have an inclination to bolster the narco-terrorist connection (2014: 30). This dissertation will discover the “collateral injury” of stated militarised responses to narco-terrorism and why they’ve been most well-liked over softer means. No matter their tactical similarities, crime and terrorism require totally different counterstrategies, therefore narco-terrorism would possibly mislead coverage (Pellerin, 2014: 29; Miller and Damask, 1996: 121).

Typically coverage tends to overemphasise just one finish of the nexus (Reitano et al., 2018). The DEA and DOD’s respective definitions of narco-terrorism are proof of this. Consequently, competitors between businesses (Mullins and Wither, 2016: 78) and reluctance to share categorised data (Pfneisl et al., 2013) additional undermine responses to narco-terrorism. Nonetheless, students advocate cooperation between legislation enforcement and intelligence businesses (Godson, 1994; Mullins and Wither, 2016), and long-term commitments to breaking the nexus aside (Cilluffo, 2000)

Failed States

If the convergence between felony and terrorists permit them to take over a state, the latter turns into a failed one. Commentators have defined how the occasions of 9/11 have contributed to reframing the problem of failed states from one of many humanitarian issues to one in all world insecurity (Rotberg, 2002a; Patrick, 2007; Innes, 2008; Name, 2008). This dissertation will clarify how 9/11 formed the understanding of failed states in relation to narco-terrorism.

There are a number of definitions of failed states, however none of them is adopted unanimously, and the factors used to measure state failure fluctuate considerably (Patrick, 2007; Piazza, 2006; Rotberg, 2002a). Earlier than defining failed states, it’s useful to know what characterises a “functioning” state. Weber (1921) describes nation-states as political entities that monopolise and legitimise violence inside their territory. Failed states function failure to offer important companies (Hehir, 2007) and guarantee residents’ wellbeing (Rotberg, 2002b); insufficient governance capability, gaps in legitimacy, and inside conflicts (Lamb, 2008); lack of management over borders, corruption and weak infrastructures (Rotberg, 2002a; Zartman 1995: 2-3).

Why Are They Harmful?

From a sensible perspective, failed or rogue states are harmful as a result of they breed terrorists (Marshall and Gurr, 2005) and transnational criminals (Patrick, 2007: 655; Williams, 2001) and since they’re potential secure havens (Lamb, 2008). Secure havens are ungoverned areas that illicit actors exploit to keep away from detection (Lamb, 2008: 6; US Division of State, 2006: 156). As an example, illicit actors faucet into residents’ perceived gaps in legitimacy, human insecurity (O’Neil, 2002), and poor social and financial circumstances (Gunaratna, 2002) to suggest another type of governance (Lamb, 2008: 31). Failed states create political vacuums the place illicit actors can step proper in and set up a semblance of order. This dissertation will counter this perception by denying a causational relation between failed states and narco-terrorists.

From a theoretical perspective, failed states are harmful as a result of, within the worldwide system, every state should preserve home stability to keep away from worldwide chaos brought on by the spill-over impact (Rotberg, 2002a: 130). Waltz’s structural realism (1979) helps this place by emphasising the shortage of an overarching worldwide authority able to granting order (Jensen and Elman, 2012: 21). It follows that, as Rotberg (2002a: 130) defined, in such a precarious worldwide system, it’s upon each state to make sure that home affairs are so as to not tip the worldwide stability. When a failed state turns into a secure haven, the spill-over impact of its failure may weigh upon the whole worldwide system. Equally, USAID (2003) acknowledged that governance and growth failure in a rustic signifies that points starting from crime and terrorism to well being and environmental crises shall be much more damaging.

Though students have argued that secure havens are a menace to “functioning states”, it stays unclear why states that don’t keep on with “the western guidelines of the sovereign state” prototype turn into illicit actors’ secure havens. This dissertation will unpack this causational relation.

Do States Fail?

Rotberg explains that failed states with collapsed infrastructure, like Somalia, are uncommon (2002a: 133). Though some states manifest types of failure, they aren’t totally failed and nonetheless retain an extent of management over their territory (e.g. Colombia, Indonesia, and Zimbabwe) (Piazza, 2008). Such states are “weak states” (Rotberg, 2002b), “quasi-state” (Lamback, 2004; Menkhaus, 2003) or “failing states” (Piazza, 2008). Moreover, students agree that ‘failing states’ are extra interesting to illicit actors than failed states as a result of they aren’t as susceptible to worldwide intervention and since they nonetheless provide semi-efficient infrastructures (transportation and telecommunications, entry to the worldwide market), that are important to each terrorists and criminals (Menkhaus, 2003; von Hippel, 2002; Takeyh and Gvosdev, 2002; Patrick, 2007: 655). Conversely, Piazza’s examine of failed states as ‘incubators of terror’ (2008) concluded that the upper the diploma of state failure, the upper the probabilities that it’ll breed terrorists, successfully discarding the likelihood that failing states is perhaps extra of a menace than failed states.

The notion of failed states as secure havens or sanctuaries for illicit actors doesn’t come with out its personal set of criticism. Specifically, secure havens are primarily based on the Westphalian idea of nation-states (Innes, 2008: 258), which has by no means utilized to the Criminological South. As a result of there isn’t any agreed-upon definition, vastly various states are rapidly labelled as ‘failed’ (Name, 2008, 1494-1497). Additionally, establishing the failure of a state means implying a “affluent state” state commonplace that should be met. Such a typical is constructed upon the Western mannequin, which some failed states like Colombia have by no means met (Name, 2008: 1499-1500).

Worldwide Neighborhood’s Response

Since US President Bush swore to smoke terrorists out of their holes (The White Home, 2001), Europe (European Council, 2003: 11), Nice Britain (PMSU, 2005), Canada (Authorities of Canada, 2005), and Australia (Australian Nationwide Support Company, 2006) have all positioned secure havens on the prime of their agendas. Nonetheless, the existent literature doesn’t tackle how failed states turned a world concern solely after America argued about their dangerousness.

Each Lamb (2008) and Rotberg (2002) stress the significance of pairing exhausting (disarming and defeating) and delicate (sensible sanctions, freezing abroad accounts, and suspension from worldwide organisations) means when coping with secure havens in failed states. Untimely exit by donors should be averted, because it may do extra injury than no intervention in any respect (Rotberg, 2002: 140). However, Innes (2008: 259) recognized some hardship in combining exhausting and sensible means to intervene in failed states effectively. Lastly, Brooks (2005) urges towards making an attempt to rebuild failed states for the reason that ‘nation-state’ is actually a Western invention whose requirements shouldn’t be utilized in any respect prices to each state. Thus, the scholar suggests various options to state-building similar to everlasting UN membership as an administration, a unfastened affiliation with a third-party state, or particular standing throughout the EU (Brooks, 2005).      


In abstract, after evaluating the important thing tutorial arguments on narco-terrorism and failed states, this literature evaluation has highlighted that though there may be an settlement that 9/11 performed an important position in redefining each phenomena, there may be nonetheless no analysis or idea that investigates the significance of the assaults. Students haven’t analysed how 9/11 impacted narco-terrorism and failed states. Consequently, the literature struggles to outline these two ideas and perceive their nature. Particularly, there isn’t any distinction between narco-terrorism and the crime-terror nexus. There’s a tendency to imagine that narco-terrorism happens, however no examine analyses the making of a selected narco-terrorist group. Lastly, though failed states are a contested idea, on a regular basis praxis assumes that non-western states are sure to turn into secure havens for illicit actors.

Case Research

This part will take a look at the case research of Afghanistan and Colombia.

Case Examine: Afghanistan

Afghanistan gained independence in 1919 after the Anglo-Afghan wars (Rubin, 2006; Ayub and Kuovo, 2008). The Soviet invasion within the Seventies, the US help of the Mujahideen, and the whole withdrawal of American and Russian forces after the top of the Chilly Battle contributed to additional injury to this already conflict-torn nation (Ayub and Kuovo, 2008; Lister, 2007). As energy turned decentralised, warlords got here to regulate bigger areas (Giustozzi, 2003; Rubin 1995). In such a chaotic context, the Taliban consolidated their energy; in the meantime, bin Laden strengthened his regime in Afghanistan (Ayub and Kuovo, 2008). In keeping with Katzman (2008: 5), the Taliban are a bunch of Islamic clerics and college students that opposed the concept of inside battle amongst Mujahideen and the corruption of the Rabbani authorities. The Taliban’s main supply of revenue is the cultivation, taxation, and commerce of the opium poppy (Azami, 2018).

The Outset of the Battle on Terror

The 9/11 assaults proved to the US that even “weak” states might be a safety concern (Rubin, 2006; Rotberg, 2002a; Patrick, 2007; Innes, 2008; Name, 2008), and the fast response was to steer the Taliban to extradite the terrorist suspects liable for the assaults (Misra, 2004a: 108). Nonetheless, the Taliban’s lack of cooperation strengthened the US’s concept that the Taliban have been defending the culprits; thus, validating the existence of a crime-terror nexus. The Bush Administration’s subsequent step was to overthrow the Taliban (Katzman, 2010). This choice is perhaps understood as an try and weaken the hyperlink between the Taliban and bin Laden. The USA declared conflict towards Afghanistan (Battle on Terror) and framed it as an act of self-defence (Connah, 2021: 72), which was authorised by the UN Safety Council in Decision 1368, permitting the US to “fight by all means threats to worldwide peace and safety brought on by terrorist acts” (UNSC, 2001). To create a Taliban-free and extra cooperative surroundings, the US additionally geared toward strengthening the financial, social, political, and safety sectors in Afghanistan (Tarnoff, 2010). Nonetheless, USA’s makes an attempt to concurrently tackle safety considerations and growth points have sparked debates across the legitimacy of the means adopted to curtail the terrorist menace and stop Afghanistan’s failure as a state (Ayub and Kuovo, 2008).

Narco-terrorism in a “Rogue” Afghanistan

Aasen (2019: 141) factors out that though violence and narcotics have had a long-standing relationship in Afghanistan, they solely turned a menace after 9/11. Undeniably, the US willingly ignored the Mujahideen’s use of earnings from the unlawful narcotics commerce to finance their resistance towards the Soviets (Jalalzai, 2005: 9; MacDonald, 2007: 88; Shanty, 2011: 23; Rashid, 2010) however immediately turn into against the “cooperation” between terrorists and narco-traffickers after the assaults of 9/11. This speedy change of coronary heart is linked to the Taliban’s refusal to extradite the 9/11 perpetrators. It follows that when the illicit drug commerce is used to finance initiatives that match the US agenda, it’s permissible. Nonetheless, when the drug commerce is used to help anti-American actions, it turns into a safety menace. Such reasoning would nearly sound reliable (from a US home perspective) if it didn’t blatantly use harmful double requirements. Certainly, it’s upon these double requirements that US President Bush may assemble the Battle on Terror as a world safety concern.

Notably, President Bush recognized a case of narco-terrorism within the Taliban-backed al-Qaeda terrorist coaching camps and navy installations in Afghanistan (The Washington Publish, 2001). Furthermore, due to the interaction between al-Qaeda and the Taliban regime, the US considered Afghanistan as a “rogue state” (US Senate Committee on International Relations, 2000: 1); and, as such, it embodied a problem to the worldwide neighborhood’s norms and values (Aasen, 2019: 147). Subsequently, the US’s behaviour means that the Taliban aren’t a menace as a result of they oversee the Afghan opium commerce however as a result of their affiliation with terrorists confirms the idea that failed/rogue states breed a brand new sort of menace – narco-terrorism (Tsui, 2015: 75). The latter turns into a world hazard as a result of it threatens Western pursuits and, subsequently, requires an excessive militarised strategy; therefore, the Battle on (Narco-)Terror.

What makes the Battle on (Narco-)Terror much more controversial is that the “new sort of menace” President Bush and the worldwide neighborhood have been so fearful about didn’t exist. Proof reveals no hyperlink between bin Laden and the Taliban via the narcotics commerce (Burke, 2003: 45; The 9/11 Fee, 2004: 171; Gomis, 2015: 7). Contemplating this, President Bush’s rejection of the Taliban’s provide handy over bin Laden to a impartial nation and to barter American troops’ withdrawal from Afghanistan (Robertson and Wallace, 2001; The Guardian, 2001) proves that The Battle on (Narco-)Terror was not nearly stopping a failed state from turning into a secure haven for narco-terrorists.

From Counterterrorism to State-building?

Safety is undoubtedly the principle logic underpinning Afghanistan’s invasion. Nonetheless, narco-terrorism just isn’t the one menace to US safety. Rosato and Schuessler (2011) posit that the stability towards rival powers is vital to attaining safety. Furthermore, a state can obtain a larger degree of safety by turning into a hegemon (Mearsheimer, 2001). By means of a realist lens, as a result of the US was already a regional hegemon earlier than 9/11 (Mearsheimer, 2001), the rise of different potential regional hegemons would have threatened its place and the worldwide system’s established order. As a result of the US aspired to turn into a world hegemon, the financial, political, and navy rise of China and India in Asia constituted a menace to US supremacy. Gartenstein-Ross (2014) and Landler and Risen (2017) defined that China’s plan to use Afghanistan’s uncooked mineral and pure assets was a direct menace to the US financial pursuits.

Equally, India is taken into account one other aspiring regional hegemon (Rahman, 2019), and it ranks fourth in navy energy (International Fireplace Energy, 2021). Thus, it challenges American supremacy within the area, because it might be a big navy menace. Navy and economic system are two of the 5 sectors (Buzan, 1991: 19) that, if threatened, undermine a state’s sovereignty (Weaver et., 1993). Consequently, the defensive realist rationalization that the US’s invasion of Afghanistan is motivated by solely safety considerations just isn’t enough. In an offensive realist optic, which emphasises maximising energy (Mearsheimer, 2001), the US presence in Afghanistan serves to maintain the rise of China and India in verify. Particularly, the US is appearing as an onshore stability towards China by preserving its troops in Afghanistan with the intent of state-building; and as an offshore stability towards India by supporting Pakistan, its important competitor (Mearsheimer and Walt, 2016; Rahman, 2019). The implications of this offensive realist argument for this dissertation are that narco-terrorism is probably not that a lot of a urgent menace because it was constructed to be since no proof confirms a crime-terror nexus in Afghanistan.

“Simply” Intervention?

As talked about above, the US Battle on Terror in Afghanistan was authorised by Decision 1368 (Connah, 2021: 72). Nonetheless, Decision 1368 doesn’t explicitly authorise an invasion (UNSC, 2001). Thus, the US Congress’s endorsement of the Authorization for Use of Navy Pressure of 2001 (AUMF) (US Congress, 2001) reveals that the US intervention was nothing greater than a unilateral use of pressure in self-defence (Ratner, 2002: 908; Cortright, 2011: 13). Afghanistan’s invasion was a conflict, and, for it to be reliable, it should adhere to the Simply Battle rules. Simply Battle idea is a compromise between the pacifist view that categorically banishes conflict and the realist inevitability of armed battle. In keeping with ius advert bellum, conflict is justifiable whether it is in self-defence, has an opportunity of success, and is a state’s final resort (Crawford, 2003: 7). Conversely, ius advert bellum requires the proportionality of targets throughout assaults and discrimination (Whetham, 2010: 80-81). 

If one accepts the self-defence narrative fostered by Bush’s Presidency, the Battle on Terror is justifiable in mild of 9/11. Nonetheless, this dissertation has already explored how the US used Afghanistan to say its presence and curb China and India’s rise within the area. Below the uncorroborated pretence of narco-terrorism, invading a state to stop different states from absolutely growing their navy and financial capabilities isn’t just. When it comes to conflict as a final resort, President Bush has specified that he was not keen on negotiating with the Taliban or al-Qaeda (The Guardian, 2001) and that “America’s finest protection is an efficient offense” (NSC, 2002: 6). Thus, it appears unlikely that any non-military motion would have been thought of. The American help for the Northern Alliance’s ruthless strategies (Misra, 2004b; Chook and Marshall, 2011), the fourteen thousand civilians killed between 2006 and 2014 solely (Downes and Monten, 2013: 91), and the usage of violence and torture (Kaldor, 2013: 166) are proof sufficient to imagine that the US has not met the ius in bello standards in Afghanistan.

The truth that the Bush Administration justified disproportionate civilian casualties by claiming that they have been “unintended” and by reminding us of the humanitarian help supplied by US airdrops (Crawford, 2003: 13) equals saying that if the perpetrators of 9/11 had claimed to have “by chance” crashed an aeroplane into the dual towers, and had helped “clear up the mess”, the US wouldn’t have invaded Afghanistan. In abstract, Afghanistan’s invasion was introduced as a conflict to stop Afghanistan from turning into a narco-terrorists’ secure haven. Nonetheless, because of the paucity of narco-terrorism proof, it’s extra correct to imagine that the US used the Battle on (Narco-)Terror to consolidate its pursuits towards rising powers within the area. Looking back, this dissertation posits that what undermined the US legitimacy in Afghanistan was the humanitarian trigger’s rhetoric (Ayub and Kuovo, 2008). State- and democracy-building have been by no means within the US intentions as a lot as hegemony and counterterrorism.

Case Examine: Colombia

Colombia has been labelled as a failing or weak state (Rotberg, 2003; Brooks, 2005; Montañez, 2017). From 1948 to the Nineteen Sixties, the nation was torn by a civil conflict (La Violencia) instigated by the federal government’s assassination of political activists (Chomsky, 2000). Moreover, from the Nineteen Sixties to the Eighties, the guerrillas’ communist insurgency and the Chilly Battle contributed to worsening Colombia’s feeble stability (Dube and Naidu, 2015). The FARC and the ELN got here into existence in the course of the civil conflict (Livingstone, 2004; Dube and Naidu, 2015). Each teams sought to overthrow the Colombian authorities favouring a Marxist regime and land redistribution (Montañez, 2017). The FARC notoriously used kidnapping and drug trafficking to fund their marketing campaign (Vélez, 2001; Shifter, 1999; Rosen, 2014).

Plan Colombia and the Narco-terrorist Connection

Colombia is the world’s greatest producer of cocaine, and the US is its most vital client (UNODC, 2014). Such circumstances affect the US-Colombia relationship. Plan Colombia (2000-2006) is the legislation assist bundle authorised by President Bush that granted Colombia US $7.5 billion to counter drug trafficking and promote state growth (Franz, 2017). The Bush Administration’s key targets included eradication efforts to cut back illicit coca crops, which might, in flip, scale back rebel violence and encourage social justice (DNP, 2006; Mejía et al., 2011). The idea that curbing cocaine manufacturing will scale back violence is already setting up a narco-terrorist narrative. Certainly, in accordance with the US, the FARC’s success was rooted within the cocaine commerce, their essential supply of revenue (US Division of State, 2002).

Plan Colombia didn’t work (Franz, 2016; Hylton, 2010; Mondragón, 2007; Marcella, 2001). One of many causes was the Plan’s extremely militarised strategy (Crandall, 2002; Aviles, 2008). Certainly, 61% of the help went in direction of strengthening the Colombian navy (Marcella, 2001: 8). The emphasis on Colombian Safety Forces has additionally been linked to human rights violations (Farthing, 2006: 74). Furthermore, human losses (Hylton, 2010: 111; Dion and Russler, 2008: 418) and displacement (Marcella, 2001: 1; Hylton, 2010: 109) prevented Plan Colombia from assembly its growth expectations. Like in Afghanistan, the US readily promised Colombia growth methods with out ever placing a lot effort into restoring Colombia’s establishments, besides its safety equipment. The latter, nevertheless, was unable to counter the narco-terrorist menace, contemplating that FARC’s assaults elevated after Plan Colombia (ICRC, 2009).

This dissertation argues that the US devised Plan Colombia as a necessary pillar of the Battle on Medicine; nevertheless, after 9/11, the US used the narco-terrorist narrative to design the FARC as an International Terrorist Group (liable for civil violence and the cocaine trafficking) and wage a “Latin Battle on Terror”, which matched the present American perspective in direction of overseas coverage (Stokes, 2003: 579). In keeping with the US agenda, the FARC was the principle narco-terrorist actor in Colombia, and by merging counter-narcotics and counterinsurgency efforts via Plan Colombia, they might have killed two birds with one stone.

The Crime-Terror Paradox

The FARC turned to the illicit drug commerce within the Nineties to fund their battle towards the Colombian right-wing paramilitaries (BACRIM) (Montañez, 2017). The guerrillas may assert their place throughout the cocaine enterprise solely after the US dismantled the Medellin and Cali drug cartels, monopolising the cocaine commerce (Peceny and Durnan, 2006). Academically talking, the FARC is a becoming instance of what Makarenko (2004a) and Mullins and Wither (2016) outlined as hybrid teams, beginning with a solely political (or financial) agenda and step by step transferring in direction of the other finish of the spectrum. Thus, the crime-terror nexus in Colombia just isn’t a concrete partnership between politically- and profit-oriented actors. On this case, narco-terrorism consists of 1 rebel group searching for financial positive aspects to fund its objective.

As aforementioned, the US had condoned comparable behaviours up to now, when the CIA disregarded Mujahideen’s involvement within the heroin commerce in the course of the Chilly Battle (Vornberger, 1978). The Colombian occasion of narco-terrorism promotes the notion that it’s totally at America’s discretion to determine whether or not it’s an occasion of narco-terrorism each time an rebel group turns into concerned within the drug commerce, successfully nullifying the which means of the idea itself and making it susceptible to the present President’s whims. Consequently, this dissertation argues that the Colombian case reinforces the idea that narco-terrorism just isn’t a criminological phenomenon as a lot as it’s a label strategically connected to problematic actors to serve the present political administration’s pursuits.

Though Plan Colombia existed to deal with the devastatingly damaging results of the illicit drug commerce, the US counter-narcotics initiative didn’t goal the important thing liable for cocaine distribution and violence in Colombia: the paramilitaries. Though not formally backed by the federal government, the paramilitaries obtained help from the military and the police in Colombia (Dube and Naidu, 2015). As aforementioned, many of the US’s contribution to Plan Colombia went to the Colombian military and police, which have been (and nonetheless are) collaborating with the paramilitaries (Avilés, 2008: 412; Stokes, 2003: 580). The paramilitaries aren’t solely notable narco-traffickers (Vargas Meza, 2000: 22; Echandía Castilla, 2001) but additionally liable for massacres towards the civil inhabitants (Avilés, 2008: 413; Richani, 2002: 120-121; Ballvé, 2009; Stokes, 2003: 581). The US intentionally supported right-wing teams that profited from the drug commerce (as a lot because the FARC) and dedicated atrocities towards the civil inhabitants. The paramilitaries have been listed as FTOs (Ballvé, 2009), similar to the FARC, however weren’t thought of narco-terrorists. Thus, the Battle on Medicine changed into a US-sponsored Latin Battle of Terror, contemplating the extent of violence allowed towards Colombian non-combatants.

Whose Pursuits?

In keeping with Hylton (2010: 108), the paramilitaries have been employed to pacify Colombia rapidly and effectively, changing the Colombian State and contradicting any state-building effort. What safety considerations pushed the US into seeing the paramilitaries as a useful resource as an alternative of a menace, contemplating their position within the cocaine commerce? This dissertation maintains that neither narco-terrorism nor medicine, nor state-building have been on the forefront of the American agenda throughout Plan Colombia.

Opposite to Chomsky’s idea (1985) which claims that US counterinsurgency campaigns in Latin America sought to curtail the specter of Soviet subversion bred by the socio-economic instabilities; this dissertation sides with the argument that American interventions in Latin America involved the unfold of Capitalism (Kolko and Kolko, 1972: 23), fairly than Soviet containment. This doesn’t indicate that the leftist teams in Colombia have been unimportant to the US. Nonetheless, claiming that narco-terrorism in Colombia was sufficient of a menace to warrant navy intervention and state-building efforts is far-fetched. Particularly contemplating that the FARC have been constructed as narco-terrorists solely after 9/11, so the US could lead on its uneven warfare utilizing non-state actors (paramilitaries) and personal safety corporations (Rochlin, 2011: 734), limiting their accountability.

Plan Colombia was the US’s imperialist effort to dominate the Andean area’s manufacturing of oil, which turned an important American curiosity due to the Center East instability (Klare, 2000: 1-2; Petras, 2001), and to create a transnational state (Robinson, 2004: 91) secure sufficient for America and trans-national firms’ investments. To attain such a consequence, the US selected to focus on completely guerrilla violence, framing it as narco-terrorism, as a result of guerrilla teams ascribed to a Marxist ideology, which, by definition, opposes capitalism and neoliberal economies. Conversely, the right-wing paramilitaries got authority to conduct atrocities towards civilians and revenue from the cocaine commerce. The US constructed a case of narco-terrorism in Colombia to cloak navy interventions below the identify of “state-building” and pursue its imperialistic objectives.


Now that this dissertation has explored the central tutorial positions round narco-terrorism and failed states and has analysed the 2 case research, it’s time to conclude. Therefore, what’s narco-terrorism? How did it turn into a part of mainstream discussions round hazard and safety? Moreover, do failed states breed narco-terrorism?

Narco-terrorism is a fabrication. To know why this part will now hyperlink the vital tutorial theories to the case research’ empirical findings.

Students declare that there’s inadequate proof to unpack narco-terrorism (Makarenko, 2004a; Bjornehed, 2004: 308; Schmid, 2005; Wardlaw, 1998: 11; Mullins and Wither, 2016: 65; Reitano et al., 2017), a lot in order that they battle to agree on a definition. Nonetheless, the US invaded Afghanistan and Colombia, killing and displacing civilians within the course of, within the identify of one thing that can not be outlined and the existence of which can’t be corroborated. Why? To reply this query, it should be thought of that narco-terrorism has gained resonance solely after 9/11 (Gomis, 2015).

How did 9/11 have an effect on the worldwide system, and the way does that relate to narco-terrorism and failed states? The fateful assault launched a brand new part of warfare by including a world dimension to terrorism (Buffaloe, 2006). Terrorism is an enemy that performs by no guidelines and is aware of no worldwide conventions; combating terrorism means preventing “uneven” warfare (Buffaloe, 2006). Such was the influence of 9/11 that it challenged core values, notions, and routine practices that formed America’s identification (Schelenz, 2017), disrupting not solely America’s safety but additionally its ontology. In keeping with the Ontological Safety Principle (OST), states search each bodily and ontological safety. The place realists argue that states concentrate on survival, OST students counter that states are equally keen on guaranteeing that the self will prevail within the worldwide order (Mitzen, 2006: 342-344). Lack of identification means uncertainty and absence of self-conception (Mitzen, 2006: 345) and since identities symbolise pursuits (Hopf, 1988: 175), a state with no identification and no pursuits loses its company.

The way in which the US went about reconstructing its identification is important to understanding why narco-terrorism is a fabrication.

The key phrase on this “reconstruction of identification” course of is worry. Unquestionably, 9/11 brought about an ideal extent of worry within the US. Nonetheless, what’s worry? Concern is an anachronistic building that transcends epochs however is influenced by them (Mantilla-Valbuena, 2008). 9/11 is a part of a globalised period the place worry comes from subtle and uncontrollable risks (Mantilla-Valbuena, 2008). Nonetheless, worry can also be a “fortuitous issue”, instrumentalised by highly effective entities (Mantilla-Valbuena, 2008).

How did the US instrumentalise worry to re-establish its identification? From Beck’s (2012) danger society to Bauman’s (2006) recycling of susceptibility to hazard, worry acquires a structural perform that lends itself to political domination and social management (Mantilla-Valbuena, 2008). The emphasis is now on political domination. A lesson learnt from Afghanistan and Colombia is that the Battle on (Narco-)Terror and Plan Colombia cloaked hegemonic and expansionistic objectives. Afghanistan was an operational base to counterbalance the expansion of China and India, and Colombia – to make sure the unfold of a neoliberal capitalist ideology in Latin America and undermine the communist one in Venezuela and Nicaragua. Going again to the literature, Wardlaw warned that narco-terrorism would possibly certainly turn into a propaganda instrument to pursue political agendas by merging two appreciable safety threats, similar to drug trafficking and terrorism (Wardlaw, 1988: 6).

Why would somebody wish to “be part of the forces of evil” and merge two threats already harmful on their very own? Though conveying worry in direction of particular risks is a good instrument to attain political energy, creating an entire new super-threat appears hyperbolic, even for the US. Besides that there’s a strategy to revenue from hazard. Wanting on the case research, there’s a predominant component in each interventions – the closely militarised strategy. How can militarisation and wars profit the US? Ten of the world’s largest protection contractors are American corporations (Stebbins and Comen, 2019), and, proper after 9/11, Protection Division contracts reached $147.9 billion, and the spending stored going up yearly (Face the Details, 2013). Furthermore, “one-third of the members of the Protection Subcommittee of the Appropriation Committee personal shares in prime protection contractors” (Shaw and Moore, 2020). The US advantages from the fabrication of narco-terrorism as a result of it was constructed as a profitable enterprise, which has allowed the latter to execute its imperialistic agenda through the use of discourses of hazard and worry whereas concurrently matching the post-Chilly Battle globalised neoliberalist worldwide pattern. Thus, narco-terrorism is a fabrication and never an excellent menace.

The notion of “failed states”, like narco-terrorism, emerged after 9/11 (Rotberg, 2002a). Such an argument is inherently flawed as a result of it’s unlikely that sure states concurrently and immediately “failed” after 9/11. Have been they “functioning states” earlier than? Or have been they merely not on anybody’s agenda? Though the states that fail solely accomplish that when put towards the Western requirements (Innes, 2008; Name, 2008) (their existence will momentarily be accepted for argument’s sake). Do they breed narco-terrorism? Having argued that narco-terrorism is a fabrication, it should observe that there’s nothing to breed. Nonetheless, students have alluded to a crime-terror nexus primarily based on fleeting and instrumental interactions (Schmid, 2005; Dishman, 2001; Bjornehed, 2004; Mullins and Wither, 2016; Reitano et al., 2017; Makarenko, 2004a). Since there may be proof of occasional cooperation amongst terrorists and criminals, and since narco-terrorism is a fabrication, it’s logical to differentiate the latter and the crime-terror-nexus, which describes the connection or lack thereof between terrorist and felony actors. Whether or not or not states that fail to measure as much as Western requirements breed crime-terror nexuses is past the aim of this dissertation.

Conclusively, this dissertation argues that narco-terrorism is a fabrication that sprung within the post-9/11 context of ontological insecurity that required the US to re-frame its identification in a globalised worldwide order. Terrorism and drug trafficking have fallen sufferer to the US’s identification quest, which used worry and hazard to merge the 2 threats and fabricate a super-threat that justified the heavy militarisation of responses. Such militarised interventions fortified war-profiteering and an imperialistic overseas agenda cantered across the hegemonic unfold of a neoliberal capitalist ideology. To reply the questions that opened this part, this dissertation contends that narco-terrorism is a multisectoral label, the usage of which requires securitisation (Buzan et al., 1998) of a selected crime-terror nexus by these positioned to take action via the development of a story.


In conclusion, this dissertation has used a Case Examine strategy to guage whether or not failed states breed narco-terrorism and to re-frame the latter’s ontology and epistemology. The literature evaluation revealed the important thing positions, theories and gaps regarding each phenomena. The 2 case research, Afghanistan and Colombia, have been important to contextualise the earlier part’s theoretical framework and analyse the dynamics at play in two cases of narco-terrorism in a single “failed” and one “failing” state. General, this dissertation has argued for an important distinction between the crime-terror nexus and narco-terrorism, with the latter being a fabrication. Though failed states would possibly entail a crime-terror nexus, they don’t breed narco-terrorism because of a scarcity of centralised authority monopolising energy and pressure. If there isn’t any causational relation between the 2 phenomena, some mild should be shed upon what compelled the US’ interventions in Afghanistan and Colombia within the context of this examine. Drawing upon constructivism and OST, this dissertation posits that narco-terrorism was a by-product of the US’s seek for identification. The US weaponised discourses of worry and hazard to manufacture a narco-terrorist profitable enterprise in Afghanistan and Colombia and re-calibrate its overseas agenda in direction of hegemonic and expansionistic goals.


As a result of impossibility of travelling to Afghanistan and Colombia to conduct main analysis, this examine has relied completely on secondary information evaluation. Nonetheless, because of the cross-checking course of amongst quite a few sources and the qualitative nature of the analysis, this examine has not been compromised in any method by its methodology.

Wider Implications: Wanting Ahead

One component outlined by this examine is the ever-present presence of state- or peace-building operations initiated however not achieved by the US in Afghanistan and Colombia. The contexts wherein such operations have been tried is indicative of their coefficient of success. Certainly, it may be argued that as a result of the US’s agenda was interest-led, and state- or peace-building was by no means a part of these pursuits neither in Afghanistan nor in Colombia as a lot because it was a pretence to legitimise prolonged and drawn-out interventions. Such a state of affairs recollects Galtung’s Roman pax (1981), which served the pursuits of these in energy to protect the established order. Future analysis may take a look at how energy relations throughout the world system influence upon state- or peace-building. Particularly, it will be useful to know if state- or peace-building is feasible when a strong donor with hegemonic aspirations and a useful receiver is concerned. This dissertation’s findings counsel {that a} detrimental peace or absence of violence (see Galtung, 1996) is perhaps extra doubtless as an alternative.


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